28/9/07 - English Literature - Mary Wollstonecraft: A Vindication of the Rights of Woman
A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was a response to the French revolution, and it is also a feminist and Romantic text. It came directly out of the events of the French revolution. The term 'rights' got tied up in political debates of the time. The word 'vindication' means a claim or a defence or a justification. The idea of 'rights' developed around the time of the Glorious Revolution, and based on the philosophy of John Locke, and later the idea formed the basis of political philosophy.
"The natural rights of freedom, life and property are not suspended in the social state; they are only, as it were, exchanged for state-sanctioned civil rights, as the powers of the individual no longer suffice for their assertion. The government may have the power to regulate commerce between the owners of private property, but never so much power that it can intervene against the property rights of even a single person without his agreement, ‘for this would be no property at all’."
[Jürgen Habermas, Theory and Practice, Boston: Beacon Press, 1973]
So property is the result of our labours to be disposed of as we wish because we have the right to do that. Work is the basis of rights: freedom, life, property (i.e. enjoying the proceeds of work) are encompassed by the term 'natural rights'. Locke wrote that we do not exist as isolated individuals and we cannot always make the things we need ourselves. So on the basis of fundamental natural rights, the government is entrusted with the responsibility to support the people. This idea gave birth to 'civil rights'. However, the idea of society and natural rights has wider ramifications, e.g. one does not have the right to remove someone else's property.
Everything was changing during the French revolution. Previously secure foundations were now up for question. Preconditions were being torn apart. The changes were fascinating to outsiders from England such as Wordsworth and Wollstonecraft. For them it signified a new age, a confirmation of life. For others in the government it was terrible news. In the aftermath of the 1790s things were insecure and imbalanced. Human rights became an issue for many British writers. Richard Price, Edmund Burke, William Godwin, Thomas Paine and Mary Wollstonecraft are included. In 1789 Price delivered a lecture at the London Revolution Society (the society of the Glorious Revolution, that is, which consisted of liberal intellectuals). The lecture explored revolution in relation to rights. It was relevant to the radicals and the French, and was published to popular acclaim and controversy. In it Price listed three rights to which he believed everyone was due:
"First: The right to liberty of conscience in religious matters.
Secondly: The right to resist power when abused. And,
Thirdly: The right to chuse our own governors; to cashier them for misconduct; and to frame a government for ourselves."
[Richard Price, from ‘A Discourse on the Love of Our Country’, 1789]
The second question becomes political in nature: who decides when abuse has occurred? It implies that oneself is the person who decides. At the second part of the third right alarm bells began to ring in the ears of those people with power. The last was in progress in France, and so Price's writings caused an uproar.
According to Burke, we do not reinvent the real. We cannot cashier the government, but we must obey and respect our superiors. He said that rights are passed down through generations and they accumulate over time. He spoke of the idea of national identity, in that we become guardians of our own history and pass it on to the next generation. His Reflections on the Revolution in France was seen as a direct attack on radicals.
Wollstonecraft responded to Burke with the comment that he used "empty rhetoric." The rights of those now dead in France was equal to the rights of the previous generation, i.e. they had none.
Paine's response was to say that we must choose our own way and not necessarily that of our forefathers. He was a brilliatnr hetorician and widely published his works.
Willian Godiwn published his Political Justice later. He was openly an atheist and considered inspirational to poets. His tone was not as controversial as Paine's because he used long words that were difficult to understand and because his book was published only in hardback and so was ridiculously expensive to buy: he had a very select readership. Its ideas were no less radical than Paine's but he did not cause such a large fuss because his book was not so readily available.
At the centre of all these debates was Mary Wollstonecraft. She had already written The Rights of Man, but felt that the word 'man' tended to be interpreted in the gendered sense rather than the sense of all humanity. Hence, she wrote a vindication of woman, a defence, a justification. She produced the idea of gender relations against accrued traditional perceptions of male empowerment and superiority. She swept aside the positivity of the Puritan Reformation against James II, in which William of Orange was invited to fight for Protestantism and Scotland against James's Catholicism. This is because the submissiveness of woman had been equated with the production of an orderly society. Her rationale was drawn from the Bible, especially Genesis and Corinthians. She realised that man and woman are one under the law, because when a woman marries, her existence appears suspended: she did not own property any more; she was not allowed to sign contracts or to divorce; nor did she have any right over her own children or have any protection against domestic abuse. In 1792 Wollstonecraft claimed those rights for women. By natural and civic rights, women should be allowed to exist.
Wollstonecraft argued that women did not have any rights simply because it was thought that they would cause problems for society if they existed. Therefore, society is a slave society: women are the slaves and even men are slaves. She contests the idea that women are naturally inferior to men because there is no evidence for it. However there seems to be an assumed inferiority of women because of the social and educational system.
"Strengthen the female mind by enlarging it, and there will be an end to blind obedience; but, as blind obedience is ever sought for by power, tyrants and sensualists are in the right when they endeavour to keep women in the dark, because the former only want slaves, and the latter a play-thing."
[Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, 1792]
The organisation of society in the patriarchal system produces women to be females rather than humans. Women have the potential to be as rational as men. Wollstonecraft's own rationality demonstrates this (intertextuality), but society opposes this by emphasizing women's beauty rather than their intelligence. She states that men would be better off with an intelligent wife with whom he could have rational conversation. Women's inferiority is a societal, not a natural thing. It can be changed. Natural equality can come to the fore if culture and society are changed. Wollstonecraft says that "women have been put on pedestals ..." or, in other words, they are objects of art and poetry, and this is only because they have not been taught how to speak, only how to be objects (frivolous, pretty, etc.). She uses Enlightenment language, the language of reason; she is witty, exaggerated, sensible, rational, clarified and ironic. She shows that women's right can benefit everyone because they lead to freedom for all. She says we must strengthen female minds through education so that they become less like objects and more like "rational creatures".

